it can't be ruled out that

1. past part vedere escludere

2. adj excluded

( impossibile) out of the question, impossible

3. m, esclusa f person on the fringes of society

* * *

escluso agg.

1 excluded, left out (pred.): si sentivano esclusi dalla conversazione, they felt left out of the conversation; abitavano in un luogo escluso dal resto del mondo, they lived in a place secluded (o cut off) from the rest of the world // (Borsa) escluso tutto, ex all

2 ( eccettuato) excepted (pred.); except: ci piacciono tutti, nessuno escluso, we like them all, none excepted; esclusi i presenti, present company excepted; escluso il vino, excluding the wine; sono qui tutti i giorni escluso il lunedì, I'm here every day except Monday; tutti verranno escluso me, they will all come apart from (o except) me

3 ( impossibile, improbabile) improbable, unlikely (pred.): non è del tutto escluso che io venga, it cannot be completely ruled out that I will come; è escluso che siano stati loro a chiamare, it can't have been them who called

4 ( scartato, messo da parte) excluded: i supplenti esclusi dalla graduatoria si riunirono sotto il provveditorato, the supply teachers whose names didn't appear on the list gathered outside the Education Office

◆ s.m.

1 ( chi è stato scartato) excluded person

2 ( emarginato) outcast.

* * *

1. pp

escludere

2. agg

* * *

participio passato escludere

1) (eccettuato) excepted

2) (emarginato) [ persona] excluded, alienated, left out

3) (non compreso)

4) (impensabile)

sostantivo maschile (f. -a) (emarginato) outsider, outcast

* * *

escluso

/es'kluzo/

I participio passato

 →  escludere

II aggettivo

 1 (eccettuato) excepted; - i i presenti present company excepted; nessuno escluso bar none, with the exception of nobody; tutti i giorni -a la domenica every day except Sunday

 2 (emarginato) [ persona] excluded, alienated, left out

 3 (non compreso) servizio escluso service not included; - i i pasti exclusive of meals, excluding meals; le bevande sono -e drinks are extra

 4 (impensabile) non è escluso che it can't be ruled out that; è escluso che lui parta it's out of the question for him to leave

III sostantivo m.

 (f. -a) (emarginato) outsider, outcast.

non è escluso che

it can't be ruled out that

\

→  escluso

1 to refuse, to reject (ayuda).

2 to discard, to dismiss, to put aside, to drop away.

Ricardo descartó la violencia Richard discarded violence.

María descartó los tomates verdes Mary discarded the green tomatoes.

* * *

► verbo transitivo

1 to discard, reject, rule out

■ descartamos esa posibilidad we ruled out that possibility

► verbo pronominal descartarse de

1 (cartas) to discard, throw away

\

quedar descartado,-a to be left out, be ruled out

* * *

* * *

1. VT

1) (=eliminar) [+ candidato, plan, opción] to reject, rule out; [+ posibilidad, hipótesis] to dismiss, discount

2) (Naipes) to throw away, discard

descartarse

* * *

verbo transitivo <plan/posibilidad> to rule out, dismiss; < candidato> to reject, rule out

descartarse v pron ( en cartas) to discard

* * *

= dismiss, rule out, discount, foreclose, write off, count + Nombre + out, scrap.

Ex. It is too early to dismiss those physical forms associated with non-computerised cataloguing and indexing.

Ex. If, however, we index documents about primary schools under the term primary school, we can immediately rule out a lot of irrelevant documents in our search.

Ex. Assistance from part-time librarians should not be totally discounted, however.

Ex. The USA must act quickly before the rush of events forecloses some of the options now available for developing and managing this technology.

Ex. They express concern over Povinelli's certainty in writing off that multicultural project, however.

Ex. Right now, there is no clear Republican candidate, though the inimitable Joe Kelly can never be counted out until the deadline passes.

Ex. There have even been rumours of plans to scrap most of the industrial side of its work and disperse key elements, such as the work on regional and industrial aid, to the provinces.

----

* descartar Algo = put + Nombre + out of the question.

* descartar una idea = dismiss + idea, discount + notion.

* * *

verbo transitivo <plan/posibilidad> to rule out, dismiss; < candidato> to reject, rule out

descartarse v pron ( en cartas) to discard

* * *

* * *

descartar [A1 ]

‹plan/posibilidad› to rule out, discount; ‹candidato› to reject, rule out

lo de ir en tren ha quedado descartado I/we've ruled out the idea of going by train

(en cartas) to discard descartarse DE algo to throw sth away, discard sth

* * *

* * *

♦ vt

1. [posibilidad, idea] to rule out;

no descartamos un pacto con la izquierda moderada we don't rule out a pact with the moderate left;

ha quedado descartado que el tumor sea maligno any possibility that the tumour might be malignant has been ruled out

2. Am [tirar] to throw out, to discard;

habrá que descartar todos los libros viejos all the old books will have to be thrown out

♦ See also the pronominal verb descartarse

* * *

v/t rule out

* * *

descartar vt

: to rule out, to reject

♦ See also the reflexive verb descartarse

possibility, chance.

cabe la posibilidad de que… there is a chance that…

posibilidades económicas financial means o resources

* * *

► nombre femenino

1 possibility

■ ¿hay alguna posibilidad de que salga elegida? is there any chance of her being elected?

► nombre femenino plural posibilidades

1 (económicas) means plural

■ un coche no está dentro de mis posibilidades I can't afford a car

* * *

* * *

1) (=oportunidad) chance, possibility

2) (=alternativa) possibility

3) pl posibilidades (=recursos) means

* * *

1) ( circunstancia) possibility

2) posibilidades femenino plural ( medios económicos) means (pl)

* * *

= ability, avenue, chance, eventuality, facility, feasibility, possibility, probability, prospect, scope, potentiality, maybe, eligibility, sporting chance.

Ex. The ability to search on word stems is particularly valuable where the text to be searched is in free-language format.

Ex. In the attempt to match the above criteria, there are two fundamentally distinct avenues to the construction of the schedules of a classification scheme.

Ex. In some authority files (titles, ISBN/ISSN, national bibliographic record numbers), no search of the file is made because there is little chance of finding the new entry in the file.

Ex. It was not our intention, not indeed is it feasible, to cover every eventuality that will be encountered in producing A/Z index entries.

Ex. Apart from this additional facility Double-KWIC indexes have most of the facilities, features and drawbacks of KWIC and KWOC indexes.

Ex. However, even with selective indexing in combination, the limit of feasibility is usually reckoned to be compound subjects consisting of five terms.

Ex. Apart from the names of subjects, the names of corporate bodies, persons, chemicals, trade products, and trade names are some other possibilities.

Ex. Our system should be one which reduces the probability of error as far a possible.

Ex. At the time OCLC started, there was no prospect for a national authority file.

Ex. They permit much more scope for flexible synthesis than can be achieved with DC or LCC.

Ex. The combination of optical projection and photographic reduction is already producing some results in microfilm for scholarly purposes, and the potentialities are highly suggestive.

Ex. Instead of ranking the documents retrieved in probable order of relevance, the conventional search sorts the relevant sheep from the irrelevant goats and ignores the fact that there are a lot of ' maybe's' involved.

Ex. The advantages of a foundation include tax-deductible donations, increased eligibility for grants, and the involvement of affluent and influential local figures as advocates for the public library service.

Ex. The bear was shot in his cage and was never given a sporting chance to fight for his life.

----

* abanico de posibilidades = kaleidoscope, kaleidoscope of possibilities.

* abarcar todas las posibilidades = run + the gamut.

* abrir nuevas posibilidades = open up + new territory, open up + possibilities, open + possibilities.

* abrirse a posibilidades = be open to possibilities.

* alcanzar el límite de + Posesivo + posibilidades = reach + the limits of + Posesivo + potential.

* analizar la posibilidad de (que) = examine + the possibility that/of.

* analizar las posibilidades de = look at + the prospects for.

* analizar una posibilidad = explore + idea.

* ante la posibilidad de = at the prospect of.

* anular las posibilidades = close off + possibilities.

* anular una posibilidad = block off + alley.

* aprovechar al máximo las posibilidades = realise + the potential.

* aprovechar las posibilidades de Algo = achieve + Posesivo + full potential, develop + potential, develop + Nombre + to its full potential.

* aprovechar las posibilidades que nos ofrece = harness + the power of.

* aprovechar + Posesivo + posibilidades = achieve + Posesivo + potential.

* aumentar las posibilidades = increase + the odds.

* barajar la posibilidad = entertain + the possibility.

* como otra posibilidad = as an alternative.

* con posibilidades comerciales = commercially viable.

* considerar la posibilidad = entertain + the possibility.

* considerar las posibilidades de Algo = consider + possibilities.

* contemplar la posibilidad = toy with, toy with + idea of, entertain + the possibility.

* contemplar la posibilidad de suicidarse = contemplate + suicide.

* contemplar posibilidades = envision + possibilities.

* crear posibilidades = open + window, create + possibilities.

* dar una posibilidad = afford + opportunity.

* dejar abierta la posibilidad de que = leave + open the possibility that.

* dentro de las posibilidades económicas de = within the price range of.

* dentro de + Posesivo + posibilidades = in the ballpark for + Pronombre, in + Posesivo + ballpark range.

* desarrollar las posibilidades = live up to + Posesivo + potential.

* disminuir la posibilidad = lessen + possibility.

* estar a la altura de las posibilidades = live up to + Posesivo + potential.

* estar dentro de las posibilidades de uno = lie within + Posesivo + power.

* estar fuera de las posibilidades de Alguien = be out of + Posesivo + league.

* estudiar la posibilidad = explore + the possibility.

* estudiar una posibilidad = explore + idea.

* examinar la posibilidad de (que) = examine + the possibility that/of.

* existir la posibilidad de = there + be + scope for.

* existir la posibilidad de que = there + be + room for.

* fuera del alcance de las posibilidades de Alguien = beyond + Posesivo + powers.

* hacer realidad las posibilidades de Algo = unleash + Posesivo + potential.

* hasta el límite de las posibilidades de Algo/Alguien = to + Posesivo + full potential.

* hasta el máximo de las posibilidades de Algo = to + Posesivo + full potential.

* incluir todas las posibilidades = run + the gamut.

* ir más allá de las posibilidades de Alguien = be beyond + Posesivo + capabilities.

* las posibilidades son infinitas = the possibilities are endless.

* mostrar posibilidades = show + potential.

* no tener ni la más mínima posibilidad = not to have a prayer.

* no tener ni la más remota posibilidad = not to have a prayer.

* no tener posibilidades = be dead meat.

* ofrecer la posibilidad = afford + possibility, provide + facility.

* ofrecer la posibilidad de = have + the potential (to/for), offer + the facility.

* ofrecer la posibilidad de que = usher in + the day when.

* ofrecer posibilidades = have + potential, offer + options, offer + possibilities, hold + potential, present + possibilities, open (up) + avenues.

* ofrecer una posibilidad = afford + opportunity.

* otra posibilidad = as an alternative.

* otra posibilidad es = for what it's worth [FWIW].

* otra posibilidad es que = alternatively.

* otra posibilidad + ser = another possibility + be.

* perjudicar las posibilidades de = prejudice + chances of.

* permitir la posibilidad = afford + possibility, allow for.

* plantear la posibilidad = raise + possibility.

* plantear la posibilidad de = discuss + the possibility of.

* plantear una posibilidad = pose + possibility.

* por debajo de las posibilidades (de una persona) = below + Posesivo + capabilities.

* por la posibilidad de = at the prospect of.

* posibilidad de = facility for.

* posibilidad de conseguir Algo = attainability.

* posibilidad de desarrollo = potential for development.

* posibilidad de descascararse = flakiness.

* posibilidad de descascarillarse = flakiness.

* posibilidad de descubrir = discoverability.

* posibilidad de expandir = expandability.

* posibilidad de insertar hiperenlaces = linkability.

* posibilidad de localizar = traceability.

* posibilidad de pelarse = flakiness.

* posibilidad de realización = potential for fulfilment.

* posibilidad de reubicación = relocatability.

* posibilidad de ser alcanzable = achievability.

* posibilidad de ser comparado = comparability.

* posibilidad de ser localizado = traceability.

* posibilidad de ser realizable = satisfiability.

* posibilidad de ser solucionado = satisfiability.

* posibilidad de ser usado de nuevo = reusability [re-usability].

* posibilidad de toma de decisiones = decidability.

* posibilidades = capabilities, catalogue [catalog, -USA], potential, full potential.

* posibilidades de acceso = access capabilities.

* posibilidades de búsqueda = searching capabilities, searchability, retrieval facilities, search facilities.

* posibilidades de futuro = future possibilities.

* posibilidades muy variadas = rich possibilities.

* presentar posibilidades = present + possibilities, open (up) + avenues.

* reducir la posibilidad = minimise + possibility.

* reducir las posibilidades de = narrow + the vision of.

* sobrepasar las posibilidades de Alguien = be beyond + Posesivo + capabilities.

* sobrepesar las diferentes posibilidades = ponder + the various possibilities.

* sugerir una posibilidad = float + possibility.

* tener alguna posibilidad = have + a fighting chance.

* tener alguna posibilidad de triunfar = have + a fighting chance.

* tener en cuenta las posibilidades de Algo = consider + possibilities.

* tener la posibilidad de = have + chance.

* tener pocas posibilidades de = have + little recourse.

* tener posibilidades = stand + chance, be in with a chance.

* tener presente las posibilidades de Algo = consider + possibilities.

* tener todas las posibilidades de = have + every possibility of.

* tratar la posibilidad de = discuss + the possibility of.

* una gama de posibilidades = a palette of possibilities.

* una posibilidad muy remota = a long shot.

* ver la posibilidad = see + the possibility.

* * *

1) ( circunstancia) possibility

2) posibilidades femenino plural ( medios económicos) means (pl)

* * *

* * *

A (circunstancia) possibility

no se ha descartado esa posibilidad we haven't ruled out that possibility

hay que estudiar todas las posibilidades we have to explore all the possibilities o options

hemos previsto todas las posibilidades we have anticipated every eventuality ( frml)

posibilidad DE + INF chance OF -ING

¿qué posibilidad(es) tiene de ganar? what chance does she have o what are her chances of winning?

tiene muchas posibilidades de salir elegido he has a good chance of being elected

hay pocas posibilidades de encontrarlo con vida there is little chance of finding him alive

esto aumenta las posibilidades de que gane this makes it more likely that he will win, this shortens the odds on him winning

existe la posibilidad de que estés equivocado you might just be wrong, it's just possible that you're wrong

B posibilidades fpl (medios económicos) means (pl)

gente que vive dentro de/más allá or por encima de sus posibilidades people who live within/beyond their means

eso está por encima de mis posibilidades that's out of my price range, I can't afford that

* * *

◊ tener la posibilidad de hacer algo to have the chance of doing sth;

◊ posibilidades sustantivo femenino plural

a) ( medios económicos) means (pl);

◊ vivo de acuerdo a mis posibilidades I live within my means;

b) ( potencial) potential;

◊ un cantante con muchas posibilidades a singer of great potential

* * *

posibilidad nf

1. [circunstancia] possibility, chance;

no descartamos ninguna posibilidad we are not ruling anything out;

cabe la posibilidad de que… there is a chance o possibility that…;

tienes muchas posibilidades de que te admitan you have a good chance of being accepted;

no hay ninguna posibilidad de que aprueben la propuesta there is no chance that they will approve the proposal

2. [opción] possibility;

tienes tres posibilidades, ¿cuál eliges? you've got three options, which will you choose?;

una posibilidad sería que fuéramos en avión one possibility would be for us to go by plane

3.

comprar una casa no entra dentro de nuestras posibilidades we don't have the means o we can't afford to buy a house

* * *

f possibility;

vivir por encima de sus posibilidades live beyond one’s means

* * *

posibilidad nf

1) : possibility

2) posibilidades nfpl

: means, income

* * *

posibilidad n possibility [pl. possibilities]

- musisz być przygotowany na wszystkie ewentualności you must be prepared for all eventualities

- istnieje taka ewentualność there is such a possibility

- nie można wykluczyć takiej ewentualności that possibility can’t be ruled out

   Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.

   A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.

   Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140

   The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."

   In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.

   The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.

   Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385

   Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in

   Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.

   The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.

   Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580

   The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.

   The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.

   What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.

   By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.

   Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.

   The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.

   By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.

   In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.

   Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640

   Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.

   Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.

   On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.

   Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822

   Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.

   Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.

   In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the

   Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.

   Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.

   Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.

   Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910

   During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.

   Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.

   Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.

   Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.

   Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.

   As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.

   First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26

   Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.

   The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.

   Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.

   The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74

   During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."

   Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.

   For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),

   and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.

   The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.

   With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.

   During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.

   The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.

   At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.

   The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.

   Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76

   Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.

   Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.

   In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.

   In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.

   In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.

   The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until

   UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.

   Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000

   After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.

   From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.

   Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.

   Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.

   In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.

   In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.

   Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.

    Contemporary Portugal

   Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.

   The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.

   Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.

   Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).

   All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.

   The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.

   After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.

   Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.

   Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.

   From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.

   Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.

   In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.

   An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

1 to discover.

Elsa descubrió el escondite Elsa discovered the hiding place.

2 to unveil (destapar) (estatua, placa).

la entrevista nos descubrió otra faceta de su personalidad the interview revealed another aspect of his character

descubrir el pastel (figurative) to let the cat out of the bag, to give the game away

3 to discover, to find out (enterarse de).

descubrió que su mujer lo engañaba he discovered o found out that his wife was cheating on him

4 to give away.

5 to uncover, to bare, to find out.

Elsa descubre sus brazos Elsa uncovers her arms.

6 to disclose, to bare, to expose, to reveal.

Teo descubrió su secreto Teo disclosed his secret.

* * *

(pp descubierto,-a)

► verbo transitivo

1 (gen) to discover; (petróleo, oro, minas) to find; (conspiración) to uncover; (crimen) to bring to light

■ Colón descubrió América Columbus discovered America

2 (revelar) to reveal

3 (averiguar) to find out, discover

■ descubrimos sus intenciones we found out his intentions

4 (delatar) to give away

5 (divisar) to make out, see

6 (destapar) to uncover

■ el ministro descubrió la estatua the minister unveiled the statue

► verbo pronominal descubrirse

1 (la cabeza) to take off one's hat

2 figurado (abrirse) to open one's heart (a/con, to)

3 (en boxeo) to lower one's guard

* * *

1) to discover, find out

2) uncover

3) unveil

* * *

1. VT

1) (=encontrar) [+ tesoro, tratamiento, persona oculta] to discover, find; [+ país, deportista] to discover

- descubrir América

2) (=averiguar) [+ verdad] to find out, discover

3) (=sacar a la luz) [+ conspiración, estafa] to uncover; [+ secreto, intenciones] to reveal

4) (=delatar) to give away

5) (=destapar) [+ estatua, placa] to unveil; [+ cacerola] to take the lid off; [+ naipes] to turn over, lay up; [+ cara] to uncover

- descubrir el juego a algn

6) (=divisar) to make out

7) liter (=transparentar) to reveal

descubrirse

* * *

verbo transitivo

1)

a) <tierras/sustancia/fenómeno> to discover; <oro/ruinas/cadáver> to discover, find; < virus> to identify

b) <artista/atleta> to discover

2)

a) (enterarse de, averiguar) <razón/solución> to discover, find out; <complot/engaño> to uncover; < fraude> to detect

b) < persona escondida> to find, track down

c) < culpable> find... out

d) ( delatar) to give... away

3)

a) <estatua/placa> to unveil

b) (liter) ( dejar ver) <cuerpo/forma> to reveal

c) ( revelar) <planes/intenciones> to reveal

descubrirse v pron

1) (refl) ( quitarse el sombrero) to take one's hat off; < rostro> to uncover

2) ( delatarse) to give oneself away

* * *

= dig up, discover, find out, unlock, spy, uncover, unearth, find, come to + light, unveil, ferret out, unfurl, lay + bare, tease apart, bare, suss (out).

Ex. The list of changed headings is almost literally endless if you have the patience to dig them all up.

Ex. This, in turn, depends upon users and user interests, and it may be necessary to conduct a survey to discover or update the profile of user interests.

Ex. For example, a person can consult the system holdings files to find out whether a library in the network owns a copy of the document.

Ex. NTIS is a key partner in unlocking the world's technology.

Ex. She spied Asadorian in earnest converse with McSpadden.

Ex. It requires an extraordinarily astute librarian to uncover this shortcoming at the interview stage.

Ex. Librarians also provide some assistance with that most familiar and awkward-to-handle enquiry from library users concerning the possible value of Grandpa's old Bible or other old book unearthed in the attic during a clear-out.

Ex. His trial came up in July 1892 and by then the city accountant had found that over $9,000 had been misappropriated.

Ex. A further disquieting feature which came to light was the number of people who did not approach staff for help.

Ex. Here is an institution which knows, neither rank nor wealth within its walls, which stops the ignorant peer or the ignorant monarch at its threshold, and declines to unveil to him its treasures, or to waste time upon him, and yet welcomes the workman according to his knowledge or thirst for knowledge.

Ex. As a rule analysts are left on their own to ferret out useful and appropriate areas to be investigated.

Ex. This volume is in fact three books shuffled together under one luscious cover, unfurling as a fantasia on technique that explores, among other things, Mau's riffs on modernism.

Ex. The aim of this article is to lay bare the causes of this state of affairs.

Ex. The author and his colleagues embarked on a series of studies to tease apart hereditary and environmental factors thought to be implicated in schizophrenia.

Ex. The judge ruled that a magazine that published a photograph of a woman baring her breasts at a pig roast did not intrude on her privacy.

Ex. He was incredulous when he sussed that the noises came from bona-fide gibbons.

----

* descubrir Algo = make + a discovery.

* descubrir el pastel = blow + the gaff, spill + the beans, let + the cat out of the bag.

* descubrir una mina de oro = strike + gold, hit + the jackpot.

* descubrir un secreto = spill + the beans, blow + the gaff, let + the cat out of the bag.

* posibilidad de descubrir = discoverability.

* sin descubrir = undiscovered.

* volver a descubrir = rediscover.

* * *

verbo transitivo

1)

a) <tierras/sustancia/fenómeno> to discover; <oro/ruinas/cadáver> to discover, find; < virus> to identify

b) <artista/atleta> to discover

2)

a) (enterarse de, averiguar) <razón/solución> to discover, find out; <complot/engaño> to uncover; < fraude> to detect

b) < persona escondida> to find, track down

c) < culpable> find... out

d) ( delatar) to give... away

3)

a) <estatua/placa> to unveil

b) (liter) ( dejar ver) <cuerpo/forma> to reveal

c) ( revelar) <planes/intenciones> to reveal

descubrirse v pron

1) (refl) ( quitarse el sombrero) to take one's hat off; < rostro> to uncover

2) ( delatarse) to give oneself away

* * *

* * *

descubrir [ I33 ]

1 ‹tierras/sustancia/fenómeno› to discover; ‹oro/ruinas/cadáver› to discover, find

en los análisis han descubierto unos anticuerpos extraños the tests have revealed o ( BrE) shown up the presence of unusual antibodies

todavía no se ha descubierto el virus causante de la enfermedad the virus responsible for causing the disease has not yet been identified

durante mi investigación descubrí este expediente in the course of my research I discovered o unearthed this dossier

he descubierto un restaurante fabuloso cerca de aquí I've discovered a wonderful restaurant nearby

2 ‹artista/atleta› to discover

1 (enterarse de, averiguar) to discover, find out

descubrió que lo habían engañado he discovered o found out that he had been tricked

aún no se han descubierto las causas del accidente the causes of the accident have not yet been established

el complot fue descubierto a tiempo the plot was uncovered in time

descubrieron el fraude cuando ya era demasiado tarde the fraud was detected when it was already too late

en momentos como éstos descubres quiénes son los verdaderos amigos it's at times like these that you find out who your real friends are

2 ‹persona escondida› to find, track down

3 ‹culpable› find … out

no dijo nada por miedo a que lo descubrieran he said nothing for fear that he might be found out

4 (delatar) to give … away

la carta los descubrió the letter gave them away

estamos preparando una fiesta para Pilar, no nos descubras we're arranging a party for Pilar, so don't give the game away

1 ‹estatua/placa› to unveil

2 ( liter) (dejar ver) ‹cuerpo/forma› to reveal

3 (revelar) ‹planes/intenciones› to reveal

A ( refl) (quitarse el sombrero) to take one's hat off; ‹rostro› to uncover

se descubrió el brazo para enseñar las cicatrices he pulled up his sleeve to show the scars

¡me descubro! I take my hat off to you/him/them

B (delatarse) to give oneself away

* * *

a) (enterarse de, averiguar) ‹razón/solución› to discover, find out;

b) ‹ persona escondida› to find, track down

c) ‹ culpable› find … out

d) ( delatar) to give … away

a) ‹estatua/placa› to unveil

b) ( revelar) ‹planes/intenciones› to reveal

* * *

♦ vt

1. [hallar] to discover;

no han descubierto la causa de su enfermedad they haven't discovered the cause of his illness;

callejeando descubrimos un bar irlandés we came across an Irish bar as we wandered about the streets;

la policía descubrió al secuestrador the police found the kidnapper;

¡has descubierto América! you've reinvented the wheel

2. [destapar] [estatua, placa] to unveil;

los periodistas descubrieron un caso de estafa the reporters uncovered a case of fraud;

la entrevista nos descubrió otra faceta de su personalidad the interview revealed another aspect of his character;

descubrir el pastel to let the cat out of the bag, to give the game away

3. [enterarse de] to discover, to find out;

¿qué has conseguido descubrir? what have you managed to find out?;

descubrió que su mujer lo engañaba he discovered o found out that his wife was cheating on him

4. [vislumbrar] to spot, to spy

5. [delatar] to give away;

una indiscreción la descubrió an indiscreet remark gave her away

♦ See also the pronominal verb descubrirse

* * *

<part descubierto> v/t

1 territorio, cura etc discover

2 ( averiguar) discover, find out

3 poner de manifiesto uncover, reveal; estatua unveil

* * *

descubrir {2} vt

1) hallar: to discover, to find out

2) revelar: to uncover, to reveal

♦ See also the reflexive verb descubrirse

* * *

descubrir vb

1. (encontrar, hallar) to discover

2. (averiguar, enterarse) to find out [pt. & pp. found]

(unreg., trennb., -ge-)

1. PHYSIOL. excrete; (Urin) pass; (Schweiß etc.) secrete, exude; (Gas, Wasser) expel

2. (aussondern) sort ( oder take) out, separate (out); (beseitigen) get rid of, remove

3. (aussortieren) sort out ( aus from), reject

1. aus einem Amt: retire from; aus einer Firma, Regierung etc.: leave; aus seinem Amt ausscheiden POL. withdraw from office; als Mitarbeiter ausscheiden leave (the employ of) the company; als Kabinettsminister ausscheiden leave one’s post as cabinet minister ( oder one’s cabinet post); nach seinem Ausscheiden aus der Firma / dem Amt after leaving the company / withdrawing from office

2. SPORT be eliminated ( aus from), drop out (of), retire (from)

3. (nicht infrage kommen) have to be ruled out; Person: not be eligible; sie scheidet von vornherein aus auch she can’t be considered, she’s out of the running already

* * *

retirement

* * *

1. vt

2. vi aux sein

1) (aus einem Amt) to retire (aus from); (aus Club, Firma) to leave (aus etw sth); (SPORT) to be eliminated; (in Wettkampf) to drop out

2) (=nicht in Betracht kommen Plan, Möglichkeit etc) to be ruled out

* * *

1) eliminate

2) (to discharge (waste matter) from the body.) excrete

* * *

f kein pl ÖKON (Pensionierung) retirement; (Verlassen) departure

\Ausscheiden eines Gesellschafters withdrawal of a partner

freiwilliges \Ausscheiden voluntary redundancy

turnusmäßiges \Ausscheiden retirement by rotation

* * *

1)

2) (Sport) be eliminated; (aufgeben) retire

3) (nicht in Betracht kommen)

unregelmäßiges transitives Verb (Physiol.) excrete < waste>; eliminate, expel < poison>; exude < sweat>; (Chem.) precipitate

* * *

ausscheiden (irr, trennb, -ge-)

A. v/t (hat ausgeschieden)

1. PHYSIOL excrete; (Urin) pass; (Schweiß etc) secrete, exude; (Gas, Wasser) expel

2. (aussondern) sort ( oder take) out, separate ( out); (beseitigen) get rid of, remove

3. (aussortieren) sort out (

aus from), reject

B. v/i (ist)

1. aus einem Amt: retire from; aus einer Firma, Regierung etc: leave;

aus seinem Amt ausscheiden POL withdraw from office;

als Mitarbeiter ausscheiden leave (the employ of) the company;

als Kabinettsminister ausscheiden leave one’s post as cabinet minister ( oder one’s cabinet post);

nach seinem Ausscheiden aus der Firma/dem Amt after leaving the company/withdrawing from office

2. SPORT be eliminated (

aus from), drop out (of), retire (from)

3. (nicht infrage kommen) have to be ruled out; Person: not be eligible;

sie scheidet von vornherein aus auch she can’t be considered, she’s out of the running already

* * *

1)

2) (Sport) be eliminated; (aufgeben) retire

3) (nicht in Betracht kommen)

unregelmäßiges transitives Verb (Physiol.) excrete < waste>; eliminate, expel < poison>; exude < sweat>; (Chem.) precipitate

* * *

to be eliminated (sports) expr. v.

to discard v.

to eliminate v.

to weed v.

to withdraw v.

to disdain, to despise, to disregard, to down-play.

* * *

► verbo transitivo

1 (despreciar) to disdain, scorn

2 (rechazar) to turn down

► verbo pronominal desdeñarse

1 not to deign (de, to)

■ desdeñarse de hacer algo not to deign to do something

* * *

1. VT

1) (=despreciar) to scorn, disdain

2) (=rechazar) to turn up one's nose at

desdeñarse

* * *

verbo transitivo

a) ( menospreciar) to scorn

b) < pretendiente> to spurn

* * *

= disdain, scorn, be scornful of, hold in + disgrace, snub, spurn, disregard, despise, dismiss with + the wave of the hand, look down + Posesivo + nose at, look down on/upon, fly in + the face of.

Ex. If people want regimentation which relieves them of responsibility, how then do you explain parents reaching out for control of schools, disdaining the help of experts.

Ex. Marshall Edmonds seemed pathetic to her, a person more to be pitied than to be scorned.

Ex. There is a large number of people who cannot afford paperbacks and would like to read, but are afraid or scornful of the ethos of the middle-class library.

Ex. Yet, despite his great erudition and powerful writings, his scheme has had little success in establishing itself as a major competitor to such schemes as DC, UDC and LC, which Bliss himself held in some contempt.

Ex. Some black librarian see little progress towards race-neutral attitudes and finds themselves either directly or indirectly snubbed, patronised or completely ignored by users as well as staff members.

Ex. The government seems to spurns the architecture profession and there is a growing rift between architects who assert their utility and those who cleave to artistic prerogatives.

Ex. Although the overwhelming majority of technologically-driven programmes disregard information problems and issues, there are encouraging signs of a growing awareness of the need for information-driven.

Ex. By this later period pressmen in England were despised as mere 'horses', the 'great guzzlers of beer' who were rebuked by the young Benjamin Franklin for their mindless intemperance.

Ex. International 'rules' are often dismissed with the wave of the hand or a snort of contempt one week, and gilded and placed on a pedestal the next.

Ex. It's the kind of barn where you can learn to ride without feeling mocked or like some hoity-toities are looking down their nose at you.

Ex. The problem with that is that most literate societies look down on people who can't read well.

Ex. If a planned activity flies in the face of human nature, its success will be only as great as the non-human factors can ensure.

* * *

verbo transitivo

a) ( menospreciar) to scorn

b) < pretendiente> to spurn

* * *

* * *

desdeñar [A1 ]

1 (menospreciar) to scorn

no tienes por qué desdeñarlos porque no tienen estudios there's no reason to look down on them o to look down your nose at them just because they haven't had an education

desdeñó el dinero/la fama she scorned money/fame

2 ‹pretendiente› to spurn

* * *

a) ( menospreciar) to scorn

b) ‹ pretendiente› to spurn

* * *

desdeñar vt

1. [despreciar] to scorn;

desdeñó a varios pretendientes she spurned several suitors;

desdeña a la gente que no es de su clase he looks down on anyone not of his class

2. [desestimar] to dismiss;

no conviene desdeñar las posibilidades del equipo inglés the English team's chances should not be ruled out

* * *

v/t scorn

* * *

desdeñar vt

despreciar: to disdain, to scorn, to despise

* * *

desdeñar vb to scorn

χάρις, ιτος, ἡ (Hom.+) acc. quite predom. χάριν, but χάριτα Ac 24:27; 25:9 v.l.; Jd 4 and pl. χάριτας Ac 24:27 v.l.; 1 Cl 23:1 (Eur., Hel. 1378; Hdt. 6, 41; X., Hell. 3, 5, 16; ins, pap; Zech 4:7; 6:14; EpArist 272, pl. 230.—B-D-F §47, 3; W-S. §9, 7; Mayser 271f; Thackeray 150; Helbing 40f; Mlt-H. 132.—It seems that χάρις is not always clearly differentiated in mng. fr. χαρά; Apollodorus [II B.C.]: 244 Fgm. 90 Jac. says in the second book περὶ θεῶν: κληθῆναι δὲ αὐτὰς ἀπὸ μὲν τ. χαρᾶς Χάριτας• καὶ γὰρ πολλάκις … οἱ ποιηταὶ τ. χάριν χαρὰν καλοῦσιν ‘the [deities] Charites are so called from χαρά [joy], for poets freq. equate χάρις with χαρά’. Cp. the wordplay AcPl Ha 8, 7 χαρᾶς καὶ χάριτος the house was filled with gaiety and gratitude.).

① a winning quality or attractiveness that invites a favorable reaction, graciousness, attractiveness, charm, winsomeness (Hom.+; Jos., Ant. 2, 231) of human form and appearance παῖς λίαν εὐειδής ἐν χάριτι an exceptionally fine-looking and winsome youth AcPl Ha 3, 13. Of speech (Demosth. 51, 9; Ps.-Demetr. [I A.D.], Eloc. §127; 133; 135 al.; Eccl 10:12; Sir 21:16; Jos., Ant. 18, 208) οἱ λόγοι τῆς χάριτος (gen. of quality) the gracious words Lk 4:22. ὁ λόγος ὑμῶν πάντοτε ἐν χάριτι let your conversation always be winsome Col 4:6 (cp. Plut., Mor. 514f; s. also HAlmqvist, Plut. u. das NT ’46, 121f; Epict. 3, 22, 90). τὸ πρόσωπον αὐτοῦ χάριτος ἐπληροῦτο MPol 12:1 can also be placed here in case χάρις means nothing more than graciousness (s. 4 below); prob. also GJs 7:3 (s. 3b).

② a beneficent disposition toward someone, favor, grace, gracious care/help, goodwill (almost a t.t. in the reciprocity-oriented world dominated by Hellenic influence [cp. e.g. OGI 669, 29] as well as by the Semitic sense of social obligation expressed in the term חֶסֶד [NGlueck, Das Wort ḥesed in alttestamentlichen Sprachgebrauche etc. 1927]. Of a different order and spirit is the subset of reciprocity known as Roman patronage, in which superiority of the donor over the client is clearly maintained)

ⓐ act., that which one grants to another, the action of one who volunteers to do someth. not otherwise obligatory χάρις θεοῦ ἦν ἐπʼ αὐτό Lk 2:40. ἡ χάρις τοῦ θεοῦ (cp. τῇ τοῦ θεοῦ Κλαυδίου χάριτι OGI 669, 29) Ac 11:2 D; 14:26. τοῦ κυρίου 15:40.—Esp. of the beneficent intention of God (cp. χ. in reference to God: Apollon. Rhod. 3, 1005 σοὶ θεόθεν χάρις ἔσσεται; Dio Chrys. 80 [30], 40 χ. τῶν θεῶν; Ael. Aristid. 13 p. 320 D.; 53 p. 620; Sextus 436b; likew. in LXX, Philo, Joseph.; SibOr 4, 46=189; 5, 330; Ezk. Trag. 162 [Eus., PE 9, 29, 12].—χ. to denote beneficent dispensations of the emperor: OGI 669, 44 [I A.D.]; BGU 19 I, 21 [II A.D.] χάρ. τοῦ θεοῦ Αὐτοκράτορος; 1085 II, 4) and of Christ, who give (undeserved) gifts to people; God: δικαιούμενοι δωρεὰν τῇ αὐτοῦ χάριτι Ro 3:24. Cp. 5:15a, 20f; 6:1; 11:5 (ἐκλογή 1), 6abc; Gal 1:15 (διά A 3e); Eph 1:6f (KKuhn, NTS 7, ’61, 337 [reff. to Qumran lit.]); 2:5, 7, 8; cp. Pol 1:3; 2 Th 1:12; 2:16; 2 Ti 1:9; Tit 2:11 (ἡ χάρ. τοῦ θεοῦ σωτήριος; s. Dibelius, Hdb. exc. after Tit 2:14); 3:7; Hb 2:9 (χωρίς 2aα); 4:16a (DdeSilva, JBL 115, ’96, 100–103); 1 Cl 50:3; ISm 9:2; IPol 7:3. ἐν χάρ[ιτι θεοῦ] AcPl Ha 7, 23 (restoration uncertain). κατὰ χάριν as a favor, out of goodwill (cp. Pla., Leg. 740c; schol. on Soph., Oed. Col. 1751 p. 468 Papag.) Ro 4:4 (opp. κατὰ ὀφείλημα), 16.—The beneficence or favor of Christ: διὰ τῆς χάριτος τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ πιστεύομεν σωθῆναι Ac 15:11. Cp. Ro 5:15b; 2 Cor 8:9; 1 Ti 1:14; IPhld 8:1. On Ac 2:47 in this sense s. TAnderson, NTS 34, ’88, 604–10.

ⓑ pass., that which one experiences fr. another (Arrian, Anab. Alex. 3, 26, 4) χάριν ἔχειν have favor 3J 4 v.l. πρός τινα with someone=win his respect Ac 2:47 (cp. 2a end; cp. Pind., O. 7, 89f χάριν καὶ ποτʼ ἀστῶν καὶ ποτὶ ξείνων grant him respect in the presence of his townfolk as well as strangers); παρά τινι (Appian, Bell. Civ. 2, 89 §376) Hm 10, 3, 1, cp. 5, 1, 5. εὑρεῖν χάριν παρά τινι (Philo, Leg. All. 3, 77, end) Lk 1:30; Hs 5, 2, 10; ἐνώπιόν τινος Ac 7:46; GJs 11:2 (JosAs 15:14). ἐν τοῖς μέλλουσι μετανοεῖν among those who are about to repent Hm 12, 3, 3. Ἰησοῦς προέκοπτεν χάριτι παρὰ θεῷ καὶ ἀνθρώποις Lk 2:52 (an indication of exceptional ἀρετή, cp. Pind. above). Cp. Ac 4:33; 7:10 (ἐναντίον Φαραώ); Hb 4:16b.—ποία ὑμῖν χάρις ἐστίν; what credit is that to you? Lk 6:32–34; s. D 1:3; 2 Cl 13:4. Cp. 1 Cor 9:16 v.l. In these passages the mng. comes close to reward (s. Wetter [5 below] 209ff w. reff.).—Also by metonymy that which brings someone (God’s) favor or wins a favorable response fr. God 1 Pt 2:19, 20.

ⓒ In Christian epistolary lit. fr. the time of Paul χάρις is found w. the sense (divine) favor in fixed formulas at the beginning and end of letters (Zahn on Gal 1:3; vDobschütz on 1 Th 1:1; ELohmeyer, ZNW 26, 1927, 158ff; APujol, De Salutat. Apost. ‘Gratia vobis et pax’: Verb. Dom. 12, ’32, 38–40; 76–82; WFoerster, TW II ’34, 409ff; Goodsp., Probs. 141f. S. also the lit. s.v. χαίρω 2b). At the beginning of a letter χάρις ὑμῖν καὶ εἰρήνη (sc. εἴη; New Docs 8, 127f) Ro 1:7; 1 Cor 1:3; 2 Cor 1:2; Gal 1:3; Eph 1:2; Phil 1:2; Col 1:2; 1 Th 1:1; 2 Th 1:2; Phlm 3; Rv 1:4; without ὑμῖν Tit 1:4. χάρις ὑμῖν καὶ εἰρήνη πληθυνθείη 1 Pt 1:2; 2 Pt 1:2; 1 Cl ins. χάρις, ἔλεος, εἰρήνη 1 Ti 1:2; 2 Ti 1:2; 2J 3 (on the triplet cp. En 5:7 φῶς καὶ χάρις καὶ εἰρήνη).—At the end ἡ χάρις (τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ etc.) μεθʼ ὑμῶν (or μετὰ πάντων ὑμῶν etc.) Ro 16:20, 23 (24) v.l.; 1 Cor 16:23; 2 Cor 13:13; Gal 6:18; Eph 6:24; Phil 4:23; Col 4:18; 1 Th 5:28; 2 Th 3:18; 1 Ti 6:21; 2 Ti 4:22; Tit 3:15; Phlm 25; Hb 13:25; Rv 22:21; 1 Cl 65:2. ἔσται ἡ χάρις μετὰ πάντων τῶν φοβουμένων τὸν Κύριον GJs 25:2. ὁ κύριος τῆς δόξης καὶ πάσης χάριτος μετὰ τοῦ πνεύματος ὑμῶν B 21:9. χάρις ὑμῖν, ἔλεος, εἰρήνη, ὑπομονὴ διὰ παντός ISm 12:2. ἔρρωσθε ἐν χάριτι θεοῦ 13:2.

③ practical application of goodwill, (a sign of) favor, gracious deed/gift, benefaction

ⓐ on the part of humans (X., Symp. 8, 36, Ages. 4, 3; Appian, Bell. Civ. 1, 49 §213; Dionys. Hal. 2, 15, 4) χάριν (-ιτα) καταθέσθαι τινί (κατατίθημι 2) Ac 24:27; 25:9. αἰτεῖσθαι χάριν 25:3 (in these passages from Ac χ. suggests [political] favor, someth. one does for another within a reciprocity system. Cp. Appian, Bell. Civ. 1, 108 §506 ἐς χάριν Σύλλα=as a favor to Sulla; ApcSed 8:1 οὐκ ἐποίησάς μοι χάριν=you did me no favor). ἵνα δευτέραν χάριν σχῆτε that you might have a second proof of my goodwill 2 Cor 1:15 (unless χάρις here means delight [so in poetry, Pind. et al., but also Pla., Isocr.; L-S-J-M s.v. χάρις IV; cp. also the quot. fr. Apollodorus at the beg. of the present entry, and the fact that χαρά is v.l. in 2 Cor 1:15]; in that case δευτέρα means double; but s. comm.). Of the collection for Jerusalem (cp. Appian, Bell. Civ. 3, 42 §173 χάριτας λαμβάνειν=receive gifts) 1 Cor 16:3; 2 Cor 8:4, 6f, 19 (DdeSilva, JBL 115, ’96, 101). Cp. B 21:7.—Eph 4:29 may suggest a demonstration of human favor (cp. Plut., Mor. 514e χάριν παρασκευάζοντες ἀλλήλοις), but a ref. to the means by which divine grace is mediated is not to be ruled out (s. b below).

ⓑ on the part of God and Christ; the context will show whether the emphasis is upon the possession of divine favor as a source of blessings for the believer, or upon a store of favor that is dispensed, or a favored status (i.e. standing in God’s favor) that is brought about, or a gracious deed wrought by God in Christ, or a gracious work that grows fr. more to more (so in contrast to the old covenant Mel., P. 3, 16 al.). God is called ὁ θεὸς πάσης χάριτος 1 Pt 5:10, i.e. God, who is noted for any conceivable benefit or favor; cp. B 21:9.—χάριν διδόναι τινί show favor to someone (Anacr. 110 Diehl; Appian, Ital. 5 §10): τὸν δόντα αὐτῷ τὴν χάριν GJs 14:2. ταπεινοῖς δίδωσι χάριν (Pr 3:34) Js 4:6b; 1 Pt 5:5; 1 Cl 30:2; without a dat. Js 4:6a (Menand., Epitr. 231 S. [55 Kö.]). Perh. καὶ ἔβαλλε κύριος … χάριν ἐπʼ αὐτήν GJs 7:3 (but s. 1 above). The Logos is πλήρης χάριτος J 1:14. Those who belong to him receive of the fullness of his grace, χάριν ἀντὶ χάριτος vs. 16 (ἀντί 2). Cp. vs. 17. τὴν χάριν ταύτην ἐν ᾗ ἑστήκαμεν this favor (of God) we now enjoy Ro 5:2 (Goodsp.).—5:17; 1 Cor 1:4; 2 Cor 4:15 (divine beneficence in conversion); cp. Ac 11:23; 6:1; Gal 1:6 (by Christ’s gracious deed); 2:21; 5:4; Col 1:6; 2 Ti 2:1; Hb 12:15; 13:9; 1 Pt 1:10, 13; 3:7 (συνκληρονόμοι χάριτος ζωῆς fellow-heirs of the gift that spells life; s. ζωή 2bα); 5:12; 2 Pt 3:18; Jd 4; IPhld 11:1; ISm 6:2. Christians stand ὑπὸ χάριν under God’s gracious will as expressed in their release from legal constraint Ro 6:14f, or they come ὑπὸ τὸν ζυγὸν τῆς χάριτος αὐτοῦ 1 Cl 16:17 (ζυγός 1). The proclamation of salvation is the message of divine beneficence τὸ εὐαγγέλιον τῆς χάριτος τοῦ θεοῦ Ac 20:24 or ὁ λόγος τῆς χάριτος αὐτοῦ (=τοῦ κυρίου) 14:3; 20:32. Even the gospel message can be called ἡ χάρις τοῦ θεοῦ 13:43; cp. 18:27; MPol 2:3. τὸ πνεῦμα τῆς χάριτος the Spirit from or through whom (God’s) favor is shown Hb 10:29 (AArgyle, Grace and the Covenant: ET 60, ’48/49, 26f).—Pl. benefits, favors (Diod S 3, 2, 4; 3, 73, 6; Sb 8139, 4 [ins of I B.C.] of Isis; Jos., C. Ap. 2, 190) 1 Cl 23:1.—Nelson Glueck, Das Wort ḥesed etc. 1927, but s. FAndersen, ‘Yahweh, the Kind and Sensitive God’: God Who is Rich in Mercy, ed. PO’Brien/DPeterson ’86.

④ exceptional effect produced by generosity, favor. Of effects produced by divine beneficence which go beyond those associated with a specific Christian’s status (ins μεγάλαι χάριτες τοῦ θεου: FCumont, Syria 7, 1926, 347ff), in the congregations of Macedonia 2 Cor 8:1 and Corinth 9:14; cp. vs. 8; in Rome AcPl Ha 7, 8. The Christian confessor is in full possession of divine grace ISm 11:1. Paul knows that through the χάρις of God he has been called to be an apostle, and that he has been fitted out w. the powers and capabilities requisite for this office fr. the same source: Ro 1:5; 12:3; 15:15; 1 Cor 3:10; 15:10ab (for the subject matter cp. Polyb. 12, 12b, 3 αὐτὸν [Alex. the Great] ὑπὸ τοῦ δαιμονίου τετευχέναι τούτων ὧν ἔτυχεν=whatever he has received he has received from what is divine. [For this reason he does not deserve any divine honors.]); 2 Cor 12:9; Gal 2:9; Eph 3:2, 7f; Phil 1:7.—The χάρις of God manifests itself in various χαρίσματα: Ro 12:6; Eph 4:7; 1 Pt 4:10. This brings into view a number of passages in which χάρις is evidently to be understood in a very concrete sense. It is hardly to be differentiated fr. δύναμις (θεοῦ) or fr. γνῶσις or δόξα (q.v. 1b. On this subj. s. Wetter [5 below] p. 94ff; esp. 130ff; pap in the GLumbroso Festschr. 1925, 212ff: χάρις, δύναμις, πνεῦμα w. essentially the same mng.; PGM 4, 2438; 3165; Herm. Wr. 1, 32; Just., D. 87, 5 ἀπὸ χάριτος τῆς δυνάμεως τοῦ πνεύματος). οὐκ ἐν σοφίᾳ σαρκικῇ ἀλλʼ ἐν χάριτι θεοῦ 2 Cor 1:12. οὐκ ἐγὼ δὲ ἀλλὰ ἡ χάρις τοῦ θεοῦ σὺν ἐμοί 1 Cor 15:10c. αὐξάνετε ἐν χάριτι καὶ γνώσει τοῦ κυρίου 2 Pt 3:18; cp. 1 Cl 55:3; B 1:2 (τῆς δωρεᾶς πνευματικῆς χάρις). Stephen is said to be πλήρης χάριτος καὶ δυνάμεως Ac 6:8. Divine power fills the Christian confessor or martyr w. a radiant glow MPol 12:1 (but s. 1 above). As the typical quality of the age to come, contrasted w. the κόσμος D 10:6.

⑤ response to generosity or beneficence, thanks, gratitude (a fundamental component in the Gr-Rom. reciprocity system; exx. fr. later times: Diod S 11, 71, 4 [χάριτες=proofs of gratitude]; Appian, Syr. 3, 12; 13. Cp. Wetter [below] p. 206f) χάριν ἔχειν τινί be grateful to someone (Eur., Hec. 767; X., An. 2, 5, 14; Pla., Phlb. 54d; Ath. 2, 1; PLips 104, 14 [I B.C.] χάριν σοι ἔχω) foll. by ὅτι (Epict. 3, 5, 10; Jos., C. Ap. 1, 270; 2, 49) Lk 17:9 (ERiggenbach, NKZ 34, 1923, 439–43); mostly of gratitude to God or Christ; χάρις in our lit. as a whole, in the sense gratitude, refers to appropriate respone to the Deity for benefits conferred (Hom., Pind., Thu. et al.; ins, pap, LXX; Jos., Ant. 7, 208) χάριν ἔχω τῷ θεῷ (POxy 113, 13 [II A.D.] χάριν ἔχω θεοῖς πᾶσιν.—Epict. 4, 7, 9) 2 Ti 1:3; foll. by ὅτι because 1 Ti 1:12 (Herm. Wr. 6, 4 κἀγὼ χάριν ἔχω τῷ θεῷ …, ὅτι; Jos., Ant. 4, 316); χάριν ἔχειν ἐπί τινι be grateful for someth. Phlm 7 v.l. (to humans). ἔχωμεν χάριν let us be thankful (to God) Hb 12:28 (the reason for it is given by the preceding ptc. παραλαμβάνοντες). Elliptically (B-D-F §128, 6; cp. Rob. 1201f) χάρις (ἔστω) τῷ θεῷ (X., Oec. 8, 16 πολλὴ χάρις τοῖς θεοῖς; Epict. 4, 4, 7 χάρις τῷ θεῳ; BGU 843, 6 [I/II A.D.] χάρις τοῖς θεοῖς al. in pap since III B.C..—Philo, Rer. Div. Her. 309) Ro 7:25; MPol 3:1. Foll. by ὅτι (X., An. 3, 3, 14 τοῖς θεοῖς χάρις ὅτι; PFay 124, 16 τοῖς θεοῖς ἐστιν χάρις ὅτι; Epict. 4, 5, 9) Ro 6:17. Foll. by ἐπί τινι for someth. (UPZ 108, 30 [99 B.C.]) 2 Cor 9:15. The reason for the thanks is given in the ptc. agreeing w. τῷ θεῷ 2:14; 8:16; 1 Cor 15:57 (cp. Jos., Ant. 6, 145; Philo, Somn. 2, 213). Thankfulness (Appian, Bell. Civ. 3, 15 §51 πρός τινα=toward someone) χάριτι in thankfulness 10:30. So prob. also ἐν τῇ χάριτι in a thankful spirit Col 3:16 (Dibelius, Hdb. ad loc.). πλησθῆναι χαρᾶς καὶ χάριτος AcPl Ha 8, 7. S. εὐχαριστέω, end. Also PSchubert, Form and Function of the Pauline Thanksgivings ’39.—OLoew, Χάρις, diss., Marburg 1908; GWetter, Charis 1913; AvHarnack, Sanftmut, Huld u. Demut in der alten Kirche: JKaftan Festschr. 1920, 113ff; NBonwetsch, Zur Geschichte des Begriffs Gnade in der alten Kirche: Harnack Festgabe 1921, 93–101; EBurton, Gal ICC 1921, 423f; WWhitley, The Doctrine of Grace ’32; JMoffatt, Grace in the NT ’31; RWinkler, D. Gnade im NT: ZST 10, ’33, 642–80; RHomann, D. Gnade in d. Syn. Ev.: ibid. 328–48; JWobbe, D. Charisgedanke b. Pls ’32; RBultmann, Theologie des NT ’48, 283–310 (Paul); HBoers, Ἀγάπη and Χάρις in Paul’s Thought: CBQ 59, ’97, 693–713; on 2 Cor 8: FDanker, Augsburg Comm. 2 Cor, 116–34; PRousselot, La Grâce d’après St. Jean et d’après St. Paul: SR 18, 1928, 87–108, Christent. u. Wissensch. 8, ’32, 402–30; JMontgomery, Hebrew Hesed and Gk. Charis: HTR 32, ’39, 97–102; Dodd 61f; TTorrance, The Doctrine of Grace in the Apost. Fathers, ’48; JRenié, Studia Anselmiana 27f, ’51, 340–50; CRSmith, The Bible Doctrine of Grace, ’56; EFlack, The Concept of Grace in Bibl. Thought: Bibl. Studies in Memory of HAlleman, ed. Myers, ’60, 137–54; DDoughty, NTS 19, ’73, 163–80.—B. 1166. DELG. M-M. EDNT. TW. Spicq. Sv.

   1) The Book of Nature Is Written in the Language of Mathematics

   Philosophy is written in that great book, the universe, which is always open, right before our eyes. But one cannot understand this book without first learning to understand the language and to know the characters in which it is written. It is written in the language of mathematics, and the characters are triangles, circles, and other figures. Without these, one cannot understand a single word of it, and just wanders in a dark labyrinth. (Galileo, 1990, p. 232)

   2) Arranging Speech so as to Reply Appropriately

   It never happens that it [a nonhuman animal] arranges its speech in various ways in order to reply appropriately to everything that may be said in its presence, as even the lowest type of man can do. (Descartes, 1970a, p. 116)

   3) No Other Animal Has the Language Capacity of the Human

   It is a very remarkable fact that there are none so depraved and stupid, without even excepting idiots, that they cannot arrange different words together, forming of them a statement by which they make known their thoughts; while, on the other hand, there is no other animal, however perfect and fortunately circumstanced it may be, which can do the same. (Descartes, 1967, p. 116)

   4) Human Beings Do Not Live Only in the World of Objects

   Human beings do not live in the object world alone, nor alone in the world of social activity as ordinarily understood, but are very much at the mercy of the particular language which has become the medium of expression for their society. It is quite an illusion to imagine that one adjusts to reality essentially without the use of language and that language is merely an incidental means of solving specific problems of communication or reflection. The fact of the matter is that the "real world" is to a large extent unconsciously built on the language habits of the group.... We see and hear and otherwise experience very largely as we do because the language habits of our community predispose certain choices of interpretation. (Sapir, 1921, p. 75)

   5) Language Powerfully Conditions All Our Thinking

   It powerfully conditions all our thinking about social problems and processes.... No two languages are ever sufficiently similar to be considered as representing the same social reality. The worlds in which different societies live are distinct worlds, not merely the same worlds with different labels attached. (Sapir, 1985, p. 162)

   6) A List of Language Games

   [A list of language games, not meant to be exhaustive:]

   Giving orders, and obeying them- Describing the appearance of an object, or giving its measurements- Constructing an object from a description (a drawing)Reporting an eventSpeculating about an eventForming and testing a hypothesisPresenting the results of an experiment in tables and diagramsMaking up a story; and reading itPlay actingSinging catchesGuessing riddlesMaking a joke; and telling it

   Solving a problem in practical arithmeticTranslating from one language into another

   LANGUAGE Asking, thanking, cursing, greeting, and praying-. (Wittgenstein, 1953, Pt. I, No. 23, pp. 11 e-12 e)

   7) Language Constrains Certain Modes of Interpretation

   We dissect nature along lines laid down by our native languages.... The world is presented in a kaleidoscopic flux of impressions which has to be organized by our minds-and this means largely by the linguistic systems in our minds.... No individual is free to describe nature with absolute impartiality but is constrained to certain modes of interpretation even while he thinks himself most free. (Whorf, 1956, pp. 153, 213-214)

   8) We Dissect Nature in Accordance with Our Native Languages

   We dissect nature along the lines laid down by our native languages.

   The categories and types that we isolate from the world of phenomena we do not find there because they stare every observer in the face; on the contrary, the world is presented in a kaleidoscopic flux of impressions which has to be organized by our minds-and this means largely by the linguistic systems in our minds.... We are thus introduced to a new principle of relativity, which holds that all observers are not led by the same physical evidence to the same picture of the universe, unless their linguistic backgrounds are similar or can in some way be calibrated. (Whorf, 1956, pp. 213-214)

   9) The Forms of a Person's Thoughts Are Controlled by Unperceived Patterns of His Own Language

   The forms of a person's thoughts are controlled by inexorable laws of pattern of which he is unconscious. These patterns are the unperceived intricate systematizations of his own language-shown readily enough by a candid comparison and contrast with other languages, especially those of a different linguistic family. (Whorf, 1956, p. 252)

    10) The Analysis of Certain Types of Utterances

   It has come to be commonly held that many utterances which look like statements are either not intended at all, or only intended in part, to record or impart straightforward information about the facts.... Many traditional philosophical perplexities have arisen through a mistake-the mistake of taking as straightforward statements of fact utterances which are either (in interesting non-grammatical ways) nonsensical or else intended as something quite different. (Austin, 1962, pp. 2-3)

    11) The Dictionary of a Language Is a System of Concepts

   In general, one might define a complex of semantic components connected by logical constants as a concept. The dictionary of a language is then a system of concepts in which a phonological form and certain syntactic and morphological characteristics are assigned to each concept. This system of concepts is structured by several types of relations. It is supplemented, furthermore, by redundancy or implicational rules..., representing general properties of the whole system of concepts.... At least a relevant part of these general rules is not bound to particular languages, but represents presumably universal structures of natural languages. They are not learned, but are rather a part of the human ability to acquire an arbitrary natural language. (Bierwisch, 1970, pp. 171-172)

    12) Talk about the Evolution of the Language Capacity is Beside the Point

   In studying the evolution of mind, we cannot guess to what extent there are physically possible alternatives to, say, transformational generative grammar, for an organism meeting certain other physical conditions characteristic of humans. Conceivably, there are none-or very few-in which case talk about evolution of the language capacity is beside the point. (Chomsky, 1972, p. 98)

    13) The Development of Language

   [It is] truth value rather than syntactic well-formedness that chiefly governs explicit verbal reinforcement by parents-which renders mildly paradoxical the fact that the usual product of such a training schedule is an adult whose speech is highly grammatical but not notably truthful. (R. O. Brown, 1973, p. 330)

    14) Sentential and Conceptual Levels in Language

   he conceptual base is responsible for formally representing the concepts underlying an utterance.... A given word in a language may or may not have one or more concepts underlying it.... On the sentential level, the utterances of a given language are encoded within a syntactic structure of that language. The basic construction of the sentential level is the sentence.

   The next highest level... is the conceptual level. We call the basic construction of this level the conceptualization. A conceptualization consists of concepts and certain relations among those concepts. We can consider that both levels exist at the same point in time and that for any unit on one level, some corresponding realizate exists on the other level. This realizate may be null or extremely complex.... Conceptualizations may relate to other conceptualizations by nesting or other specified relationships. (Schank, 1973, pp. 191-192)

    15) Linguistic Realities Have Not Yet Been Captured by Theoretical Models

   The mathematics of multi-dimensional interactive spaces and lattices, the projection of "computer behavior" on to possible models of cerebral functions, the theoretical and mechanical investigation of artificial intelligence, are producing a stream of sophisticated, often suggestive ideas.

   But it is, I believe, fair to say that nothing put forward until now in either theoretic design or mechanical mimicry comes even remotely in reach of the most rudimentary linguistic realities. (Steiner, 1975, p. 284)

    16) The Final Steps to Human Language

   The step from the simple tool to the master tool, a tool to make tools (what we would now call a machine tool), seems to me indeed to parallel the final step to human language, which I call reconstitution. It expresses in a practical and social context the same understanding of hierarchy, and shows the same analysis by function as a basis for synthesis. (Bronowski, 1977, pp. 127-128)

    17) The Inadequacy of Formal Linguistic Models for Ordinary Language Usage

    t is the language donn eґ in which we conduct our lives.... We have no other. And the danger is that formal linguistic models, in their loosely argued analogy with the axiomatic structure of the mathematical sciences, may block perception.... It is quite conceivable that, in language, continuous induction from simple, elemental units to more complex, realistic forms is not justified. The extent and formal "undecidability" of context-and every linguistic particle above the level of the phoneme is context-bound-may make it impossible, except in the most abstract, meta-linguistic sense, to pass from "pro-verbs," "kernals," or "deep deep structures" to actual speech. (Steiner, 1975, pp. 111-113)

    18) When a Language Is an Abstract Machine

   A higher-level formal language is an abstract machine. (Weizenbaum, 1976, p. 113)

    19) Metaphor and Metonymy Underpin the Formation of Linguistic Signs

   Jakobson sees metaphor and metonymy as the characteristic modes of binarily opposed polarities which between them underpin the two-fold process of selection and combination by which linguistic signs are formed.... Thus messages are constructed, as Saussure said, by a combination of a "horizontal" movement, which combines words together, and a "vertical" movement, which selects the particular words from the available inventory or "inner storehouse" of the language. The combinative (or syntagmatic) process manifests itself in contiguity (one word being placed next to another) and its mode is metonymic. The selective (or associative) process manifests itself in similarity (one word or concept being "like" another) and its mode is metaphoric. The "opposition" of metaphor and metonymy therefore may be said to represent in effect the essence of the total opposition between the synchronic mode of language (its immediate, coexistent, "vertical" relationships) and its diachronic mode (its sequential, successive, lineal progressive relationships). (Hawkes, 1977, pp. 77-78)

    20) Language and the Analysis of Nature

   It is striking that the layered structure that man has given to language constantly reappears in his analyses of nature. (Bronowski, 1977, p. 121)

    21) Correspondence Rules for Mapping Old Theory into Subsets of New Theory

   First, [an ideal intertheoretic reduction] provides us with a set of rules"correspondence rules" or "bridge laws," as the standard vernacular has it-which effect a mapping of the terms of the old theory (T o) onto a subset of the expressions of the new or reducing theory (T n). These rules guide the application of those selected expressions of T n in the following way: we are free to make singular applications of their correspondencerule doppelgangers in T o....

   Second, and equally important, a successful reduction ideally has the outcome that, under the term mapping effected by the correspondence rules, the central principles of T o (those of semantic and systematic importance) are mapped onto general sentences of T n that are theorems of Tn. (P. Churchland, 1979, p. 81)

    22) The Inclusion of Non- linguistic Factors in a Theory of Grammar

   If non-linguistic factors must be included in grammar: beliefs, attitudes, etc. [this would] amount to a rejection of the initial idealization of language as an object of study. A priori such a move cannot be ruled out, but it must be empirically motivated. If it proves to be correct, I would conclude that language is a chaos that is not worth studying.... Note that the question is not whether beliefs or attitudes, and so on, play a role in linguistic behavior and linguistic judgments... [but rather] whether distinct cognitive structures can be identified, which interact in the real use of language and linguistic judgments, the grammatical system being one of these. (Chomsky, 1979, pp. 140, 152-153)

    23) Language Is Inevitably Influenced by Specific Contexts of Human Interaction

   Language cannot be studied in isolation from the investigation of "rationality." It cannot afford to neglect our everyday assumptions concerning the total behavior of a reasonable person.... An integrational linguistics must recognize that human beings inhabit a communicational space which is not neatly compartmentalized into language and nonlanguage.... It renounces in advance the possibility of setting up systems of forms and meanings which will "account for" a central core of linguistic behavior irrespective of the situation and communicational purposes involved. (Harris, 1981, p. 165)

    24) The Genetic Blueprints of Language

   By innate [linguistic knowledge], Chomsky simply means "genetically programmed." He does not literally think that children are born with language in their heads ready to be spoken. He merely claims that a "blueprint is there, which is brought into use when the child reaches a certain point in her general development. With the help of this blueprint, she analyzes the language she hears around her more readily than she would if she were totally unprepared for the strange gabbling sounds which emerge from human mouths. (Aitchison, 1987, p. 31)

    25) Languages Are Machines

   Looking at ourselves from the computer viewpoint, we cannot avoid seeing that natural language is our most important "programming language." This means that a vast portion of our knowledge and activity is, for us, best communicated and understood in our natural language.... One could say that natural language was our first great original artifact and, since, as we increasingly realize, languages are machines, so natural language, with our brains to run it, was our primal invention of the universal computer. One could say this except for the sneaking suspicion that language isn't something we invented but something we became, not something we constructed but something in which we created, and recreated, ourselves. (Leiber, 1991, p. 8)

1. sth. is impossible, ruled out altogether: об X-e и разговора быть не может - X is out of the question

2. yes, certainly

no question!

• И РАЗГОВОРА <-у> НЕТ < БЫТЬ НЕ МОЖЕТ> (о чём) coll

[VP; impers; pres only; fixed WO]

=====

1. sth. is impossible, ruled out altogether: об X-e и разговора быть не может ≈ X is out of the question; there is < can be> no question of X; [in limited contexts] that isn't even up < a matter> for discussion.

     ♦ Главный инженер сказал мне, что о том, чтобы перевести меня на работу в Москву, и разговора быть не может. "Вы нужны нам здесь". The chief engineer told me that my being transferred to Moscow was out of the question. "We need you here."

2. yes, certainly:

- no question!;

- (what a question < what are you talking about>,) of course one will (can etc)!;

- (but,) of course!

     ♦ "Ты думаешь, он справится?" - " И разговору нет!" "Do you think he can manage?" "What a question! Of course he can!"

• И РАЗГОВОРА <-у> НЕТ < БЫТЬ НЕ МОЖЕТ> (о чём) coll

[VP; impers; pres only; fixed WO]

=====

1. sth. is impossible, ruled out altogether: об X-e и разговора быть не может ≈ X is out of the question; there is < can be> no question of X; [in limited contexts] that isn't even up < a matter> for discussion.

     ♦ Главный инженер сказал мне, что о том, чтобы перевести меня на работу в Москву, и разговора быть не может. "Вы нужны нам здесь". The chief engineer told me that my being transferred to Moscow was out of the question. "We need you here."

2. yes, certainly:

- no question!;

- (what a question < what are you talking about>,) of course one will (can etc)!;

- (but,) of course!

     ♦ "Ты думаешь, он справится?" - " И разговору нет!" "Do you think he can manage?" "What a question! Of course he can!"

• И РАЗГОВОРА <-у> НЕТ < БЫТЬ НЕ МОЖЕТ> (о чём) coll

[VP; impers; pres only; fixed WO]

=====

1. sth. is impossible, ruled out altogether: об X-e и разговора быть не может ≈ X is out of the question; there is < can be> no question of X; [in limited contexts] that isn't even up < a matter> for discussion.

     ♦ Главный инженер сказал мне, что о том, чтобы перевести меня на работу в Москву, и разговора быть не может. "Вы нужны нам здесь". The chief engineer told me that my being transferred to Moscow was out of the question. "We need you here."

2. yes, certainly:

- no question!;

- (what a question < what are you talking about>,) of course one will (can etc)!;

- (but,) of course!

     ♦ "Ты думаешь, он справится?" - " И разговору нет!" "Do you think he can manage?" "What a question! Of course he can!"

• И РАЗГОВОРА <-у> НЕТ < БЫТЬ НЕ МОЖЕТ> (о чём) coll

[VP; impers; pres only; fixed WO]

=====

1. sth. is impossible, ruled out altogether: об X-e и разговора быть не может ≈ X is out of the question; there is < can be> no question of X; [in limited contexts] that isn't even up < a matter> for discussion.

     ♦ Главный инженер сказал мне, что о том, чтобы перевести меня на работу в Москву, и разговора быть не может. "Вы нужны нам здесь". The chief engineer told me that my being transferred to Moscow was out of the question. "We need you here."

2. yes, certainly:

- no question!;

- (what a question < what are you talking about>,) of course one will (can etc)!;

- (but,) of course!

     ♦ "Ты думаешь, он справится?" - "И разговору нет!" "Do you think he can manage?" "What a question! Of course he can!"

• НЕ МОЖЕТ БЫТЬ И РЕЧИ о чём; (И) РЕЧИ БЫТЬ НЕ МОЖЕТall coll

[VP; impers; pres or past; if pres, usu. used to reject categorically some idea, suggestion, offer etc]

=====

⇒ sth. is so impossible that it is not even worth talking about, sth. is ruled out altogether:

- об X-e не может быть и речи≈ X is (entirely) out of the question;

- there is (can be) no question of X;

- [in limited contexts] I (he etc) won't even hear of X.

     ♦ О том, чтобы Мольера хоронить по церковному обряду, не могло быть и речи. Грешный комедиант умер без покаяния и не отрекшись от своей осуждаемой церковью профессии... (Булгаков 5). Burying Moliere with the appropriate Church rites was out of the question The sinful comedian died without a last confession and without repudiating his profession, which was condemned by the Church (5a).

     ♦...Если фамилия самого автора состоит в списке запрещенных к упоминанию, то о публикации его книги, какого бы содержания она ни была, не может быть и речи (Войнович 1)...If the author himself is one of those whose names are on the forbidden list, the publication of his book, no matter what its contents, is entirely out of the question (1a).

     ♦ "Вот ваша рукопись, - вдруг проговорил Васильев, насупив брови и протягивая ему папку. - Берите. Никакой речи не может быть о том, чтобы я был причастен к ее напечатанию" (Набоков 1). "Here's your manuscript," said Vasiliev suddenly, knitting his brows and handing him the folder "Take it. There can be no question of my being party to its publication" (1a).

     ♦ "Мой муж говорит, что вам нужна только хорошая квартира, ни о какой квартире Бажовой не может быть даже и речи..." (Войнович 3). "My husband says that you want only a really good apartment, that you won't even hear of Bazhova's apartment" (3a)

• НЕ МОЖЕТ БЫТЬ И РЕЧИ о чём; (И) РЕЧИ БЫТЬ НЕ МОЖЕТall coll

[VP; impers; pres or past; if pres, usu. used to reject categorically some idea, suggestion, offer etc]

=====

⇒ sth. is so impossible that it is not even worth talking about, sth. is ruled out altogether:

- об X-e не может быть и речи≈ X is (entirely) out of the question;

- there is (can be) no question of X;

- [in limited contexts] I (he etc) won't even hear of X.

     ♦ О том, чтобы Мольера хоронить по церковному обряду, не могло быть и речи. Грешный комедиант умер без покаяния и не отрекшись от своей осуждаемой церковью профессии... (Булгаков 5). Burying Moliere with the appropriate Church rites was out of the question The sinful comedian died without a last confession and without repudiating his profession, which was condemned by the Church (5a).

     ♦...Если фамилия самого автора состоит в списке запрещенных к упоминанию, то о публикации его книги, какого бы содержания она ни была, не может быть и речи (Войнович 1)...If the author himself is one of those whose names are on the forbidden list, the publication of his book, no matter what its contents, is entirely out of the question (1a).

     ♦ "Вот ваша рукопись, - вдруг проговорил Васильев, насупив брови и протягивая ему папку. - Берите. Никакой речи не может быть о том, чтобы я был причастен к ее напечатанию" (Набоков 1). "Here's your manuscript," said Vasiliev suddenly, knitting his brows and handing him the folder "Take it. There can be no question of my being party to its publication" (1a).

     ♦ "Мой муж говорит, что вам нужна только хорошая квартира, ни о какой квартире Бажовой не может быть даже и речи..." (Войнович 3). "My husband says that you want only a really good apartment, that you won't even hear of Bazhova's apartment" (3a)

• НЕ МОЖЕТ БЫТЬ И РЕЧИ о чём; (И) РЕЧИ БЫТЬ НЕ МОЖЕТall coll

[VP; impers; pres or past; if pres, usu. used to reject categorically some idea, suggestion, offer etc]

=====

⇒ sth. is so impossible that it is not even worth talking about, sth. is ruled out altogether:

- об X-e не может быть и речи≈ X is (entirely) out of the question;

- there is (can be) no question of X;

- [in limited contexts] I (he etc) won't even hear of X.

     ♦ О том, чтобы Мольера хоронить по церковному обряду, не могло быть и речи. Грешный комедиант умер без покаяния и не отрекшись от своей осуждаемой церковью профессии... (Булгаков 5). Burying Moliere with the appropriate Church rites was out of the question The sinful comedian died without a last confession and without repudiating his profession, which was condemned by the Church (5a).

     ♦...Если фамилия самого автора состоит в списке запрещенных к упоминанию, то о публикации его книги, какого бы содержания она ни была, не может быть и речи (Войнович 1)...If the author himself is one of those whose names are on the forbidden list, the publication of his book, no matter what its contents, is entirely out of the question (1a).

     ♦ "Вот ваша рукопись, - вдруг проговорил Васильев, насупив брови и протягивая ему папку. - Берите. Никакой речи не может быть о том, чтобы я был причастен к ее напечатанию" (Набоков 1). "Here's your manuscript," said Vasiliev suddenly, knitting his brows and handing him the folder "Take it. There can be no question of my being party to its publication" (1a).

     ♦ "Мой муж говорит, что вам нужна только хорошая квартира, ни о какой квартире Бажовой не может быть даже и речи..." (Войнович 3). "My husband says that you want only a really good apartment, that you won't even hear of Bazhova's apartment" (3a)